Jury Psychology

B.E. Turvey , J.50. Freeman , in Encyclopedia of Human Behavior (Second Edition), 2012

The Recency Result

The recency event is a cognitive bias in which those items, ideas, or arguments that came last are remembered more clearly than those that came first. The more recently heard, the clearer something may exist in a juror'south memory. This is mutual when information is given in lists – the last thing heard is recalled, while those at the get-go and in the center may be forgotten. As a result, the party delivering the concluding endmost argument – the defense – has an reward.

The recency result is increased when besides much information is presented too rapidly, and it is reduced when coupled with other tasks. With respect to jury retention, assuasive note taking could besides reduce both primacy and recency effects.

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The Psychology of Learning and Motivation: Advances in Research and Theory

Peter F. Delaney , ... Arie Spirgel , in Psychology of Learning and Motivation, 2010

ii.1 Recency Furnishings

It is plumbing equipment to begin with recency furnishings, an impostor that is so well known that it stars in nigh every introductory psychology textbook'south give-and-take of memory. The problem with recency confounds in spacing studies is an erstwhile 1 in the literature, highlighted by Crowder'south (1976) review. Specifically, because spaced items must occur in multiple locations on the list, their final presentation tends to exist more recent than an equal number of massed items unless intendance is taken to equate the final positions. Because recent items are more easily recalled than older items, an artifactual spacing effect can be observed. One approach to solving this problem, whose discovery was attributed to Melton (1967) by Crowder, was to use primacy and recency "buffer" items that would not exist tested, or just not counted for costless call back. In fact, this arroyo was used earlier past Waugh (1962), simply information technology is not terribly effective at controlling recency. Zimmerman (1975), for instance, constitute an extended recency function that produced 20% higher recall for afterward-presented than before-presented items, even though he included primacy and recency buffers. He required participants to focus on just the current detail, which eliminated the primacy upshot, but resulted in an extended recency function.

Even in recent work, recency control has been a trouble. Toppino and Bloom (2002), in their Experiment 1, replicated an experiment of Greene (1989) that compared gratis think following incidental and intentional learning. The lists contained some massed and some spaced items, with spaced items of varying lag. Greene tried to control for recency biases by counterbalancing the assignment of words to quadrants of the list. The Toppino and Blossom study was virtually an exact replication of the experiment, except that it more advisedly controlled recency by controlling the position of the 2nd presentation of words instead of just the quadrant. Surprisingly, this subtle change eliminated the spacing event for incidental learning observed past Greene. The study highlights the fact that seemingly small-scale recency biases tin can inflate or debunk the magnitude of spacing effects, altering our conclusions about the magnitude of the spacing outcome—or even its presence or absence under varying conditions.

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Cognitive Psychology of Memory

M.J. Kahana , ... S.M. Polyn , in Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference, 2008

two.26.ii.five Long-Range Interitem Associations

Bjork and Whitten (1974) conducted an experiment which challenged the traditional STS-based account of recency effects in complimentary retrieve. They were interested in seeing how well subjects could call up a listing of word pairs under atmospheric condition designed to eliminate between-pair rehearsal. To eliminate between-pair rehearsal, they had subjects perform a difficult distractor job following the appearance of each pair, including the last i. Because the distractor was expected to displace any items in STS, Bjork and Whitten did not expect to discover a recency effect. To their surprise, they found a potent recency effect, with the concluding few pairs existence recalled better than pairs from the eye of the list. They called this the long-term recency upshot. Their process, in which a distractor job is given following every particular, including the last, is called continuous-distractor free recollect. Figure iv illustrates the continuous-distractor costless retrieve procedure alongside the more traditional immediate and delayed gratuitous recall procedures.

Figure 4. Analogy of immediate, delayed, and continuous-distractor paradigms. The row of asterisks indicates the start of the remember period.

The long-term recency issue has now been replicated many times using both single words and word pairs, and beyond delays ranging from tenths of seconds (Neath, 1993) to days (Glenberg et al., 1983). The magnitude of the long-term recency effect depends critically on both the elapsing of the distractor given subsequently the concluding word (the memory interval) and on the duration of the distractor intervening betwixt list words (the interpresentation interval). For a given retention interval, increasing the interpresentation interval results in more than recency and better recall of the final detail.

Kahana (1996) interpreted the contiguity effect equally testify for associations formed in STS. If associations are formed between items that are active together in STS (every bit postulated by Glanzer, 1972; Raaijmakers and Shiffrin, 1980), then this would predict the contiguity effect because nearby items spend more fourth dimension together in STS than remote items. Nevertheless, because a long interitem distractor should readapt items in STS, the contiguity effect should exist significantly attenuated in continuous-distractor free remember.

Howard and Kahana (1999) tested this hypothesis by measuring the contiguity issue in continuous-distractor costless remember. Figure five(a) illustrates the contiguity effect for interpresentation intervals ranging from 0   s (standard delayed gratuitous recall) to 16   s. As can be seen, the contiguity effect was relatively abiding across this range of interpresentation intervals. This result is quantified in Figure v(b) by plumbing equipment a power part (P  = a|, |, |lag|, |, |−b ) to each participant'south lag-CRP curve and using the b parameter as an approximate of the contiguity effect (the a parameter determines the overall scale of the function). Insofar as the contiguity consequence is insensitive to the accented delay betwixt listing items, it exhibits an approximate time-scale invariance. Although 16   s of a distractor had virtually no bear upon on the contiguity event, the same amount of distractor action presented at the end of the list was sufficient to eliminate the end-of-list recency issue ( Figure 5(c) ).

Effigy 5. Long-range contiguity and recency effects. (a) Lag-CRP as a function of the length of the distractor task in continuous-distractor costless remember. (b) To quantify the contiguity effect, power functions were fit to the lag-CRP curves for each participant in each condition. Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. (c) The probability of commencement call up functions for firsthand, delayed, and continuous-distractor costless recall (Howard and Kahana, 1999).

As shown in Effigy 5 , the contiguity effect persists even when the written report items are separated by xvi   s of a demanding distractor job. Nevertheless, recent piece of work shows that the contiguity effect is evident on fifty-fifty longer time scales. Howard et al. (2008) presented subjects with a serial of lists for free recall. At the conclusion of the session, subjects were given a surprise final free think test in which they were instructed to retrieve equally many words as possible from the 48 study lists in any order. Howard et al. (2008) measured the contiguity effect in this final costless recall catamenia both for transitions within a list besides as between lists. They found that transitions betwixt nearby lists were more frequent than transitions between lists that were farther apart in the experiment. This contiguity result extended nearly ten lists, or several hundred seconds, extending the range over which contiguity effects are observed in costless remember by a factor of ten. Moreover, this paradigm offers several potential advantages over continuous-distractor free remember. In continuous distractor free-remember, subjects have an incentive to try and rehearse items beyond the distractor intervals. Because the subject is only asked to remember the most contempo listing in the Howard et al. (2008) study, and intrusions from prior lists are scored every bit errors, in that location is no strategic reason for subjects to rehearse across lists in apprehension of the surprise terminal complimentary recall test. In continuous-distractor gratis recall, the consistency of associations beyond filibuster intervals was inferred from observing lag-CRP curves across conditions that differed in their IPI. It is conceivable that this was due in function to different strategies across experimental conditions. In contrast, in the Howard et al. (2008) study, both within-and across-list associations were observed simultaneously during the final costless retrieve period.

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Advice

David Moriarty , in Practical Human Factors for Pilots, 2015

6.iv Communication strategies for effective briefings

Several psychological observations are worth considering earlier we await at effective briefings, especially with regard to threat management during briefings:

●

Primacy/recency effect – Humans have amend recall for data that is presented at the start and at the end of a briefing. vii

●

Levels of processing – Humans have meliorate recall for information that has required a deeper level of processing. Thus, being told something requires relatively little processing on the part of the receiver whereas having to appoint with that information on a semantic level (the meaning) in order to respond a question volition require a deeper level of processing and so is more likely to be recalled. 8 For example, rather than telling the monitoring pilot that in the event of a go-around, he needs to set up a VHF omnidirectional radio range (VOR) radial that the handling pilot tin track, information technology would be improve to ask him what he thinks would exist the all-time navigational assistance to set up in the event of a become-around. In and so doing, the monitoring pilot has to check the instrument approach chart, ascertain the appropriate radial and then talk through how and when he would need to set this up. All of this requires a deeper level of processing and it is more likely that this information will be recalled afterwards.

●

Context and recall – Nosotros have meliorate recall of information that was encoded in the aforementioned environment where it will need to be retrieved. 9 Fortunately, near briefings occur in the flight deck and so we tin take advantage of this phenomenon.

●

Chronological recall – Except for introducing and re-emphasizing of import points at the showtime and the end of the briefing, the remainder of the briefing should follow a structure that matches the chronology of the sequence of actions that the briefing refers to. For example, a departure brief should cover pushback, engine start, taxi routing, have-off (and rejected take-off) and so the standard instrument departure.

●

Temporal contiguity and bear upon drills – Combining visual and exact information at the same fourth dimension aids recall, i.e. touching the relevant controls as you talk through a drill or maneuver that you may demand to perform will go far more likely that it will be carried out correctly should information technology need to be. x

One item guidance document concerning briefings stated that a thorough briefing should be performed regardless of how familiar the airports and procedures are or how ofttimes the crew members have flown together. xi Based on what we know near human attention, this argument, although well intentioned, may be flawed. An effective conference must strike a balance between being comprehensive and belongings the listener's attention. Does an approach briefing for an approach into the home base of operations of both pilots on a 24-hour interval when they have flown and briefed the approach already take to be as detailed as an approach into an airport that neither airplane pilot has been to earlier? Carrying out a highly detailed arroyo briefing but for the sake of conveying out a highly detailed approach briefing is unnecessary and, ironically, introduces more hazard into the flight deck because both crew members have now taken on an additional, unnecessary task. If this briefing is existence carried out co-ordinate to a standard script, if the other pilot has heard it before or determines that he already knows everything that is going to be said, his attention is likely to drift. To accost this question of brevity versus comprehensiveness, we must start consider what the purpose of a briefing is. In brusque, a conference is meant to synchronize the mental models of both pilots and so that they have a shared understanding of how the aircraft is going to be maneuvered on the footing and in the air, what threats exist, how those threats are going to exist managed, and what each airplane pilot'due south actions are going to be under normal and (select) abnormal weather. If both pilots already accept a shared mental model, as demonstrated by an before divergence or arrival, cannot place any threats, and have already talked about each pilot'southward actions nether normal and abnormal conditions, a departure/arrival brief could exist fairly curt. Information technology may but require confirmation that the instrument approach charts are correct, the preprogrammed FMC information are valid and the relevant speed and altitude bugs are fix and, for an arrival brief, a review of the go-effectually procedure. It is also worth noting that a briefing can be beneficial for the person leading it. By talking through the predicted sequence of events in chronological order, this can be an opportunity to mentally rehearse the actions that will be needed. Mental rehearsal has been shown to exist highly beneficial in promoting recollect of skilled-based deportment. 12

Based on the amended Threat and Error Management model (TEM2) proposed in Chapter 3 (Mistake Direction and Standard Operating Procedures for Pilots), a departure or arrival conference should focus on threat management and, taking account of the psychological phenomena listed in this section, a briefing should be carried out as follows:

i.

Given that briefings ofttimes require decisions to be made, ensure that System 2 is able to dictate these decisions by carrying out briefings during low-workload periods.

2.

Distractions and interruptions should exist avoided wherever possible.

3.

Ensure that the other pilot is ready to participate in a briefing.

iv.

Start by discussing any of the primal threats that both of yous have identified and back this up with the threat identification framework described in Affiliate 3: depression visibility, meteorological, NOTAMs, other traffic, performance, QNH, radiotelephony, systems, terrain and unfamiliarity (50-M-North-O-P-Q-R-South-T-U). Retrieve, this threat identification framework is just an case and tin be revised and amended to include threats that are specific to your operation.

v.

At this phase, management strategies practise not need to exist covered every bit they will be discussed when the impact of each threat is related to particular operational phases. For case, there is fiddling point talking about direction strategies for windshear after accept-off before discussing the potentially disruptive taxi routing out to the runway.

half dozen.

Now that the major threats have been highlighted, the discussion that follows can refer dorsum to them and to the strategies necessary to end them affecting flight safety.

vii.

Discuss the forthcoming phases of flight in chronological guild. For example, a departure briefing would embrace pushback, engine get-go, taxi, take-off (or rejected take-off), climb and prowl; and an arrival briefing would cover descent, approach, landing (or go-around), taxi, park and shutdown.

8.

To accept reward of the levels-of-processing phenomenon, every opportunity should be taken to brand the other pilot remember about what is being said. This could take the class of questions or request him to describe his actions if a particular threat is encountered. Any procedures or maneuvers that may exist needed should be apposite using touch drills; this volition take reward of temporal contiguity and make it more likely that these deportment will be accurately carried out if the need arises.

nine.

When threats relating to a particular stage are relevant, employ the avoid/buffer/contingency program system to ensure that a threat management strategy is agreed upon.

10.

By discussing actions that may exist required in abnormal situations, the relevant production rules in procedural retentivity are partly activated (primed), making it more probable that they volition be activated rapidly should the demand arise.

11.

At the end of the briefing, take reward of the primacy/recency effect by recapping the key points of the cursory, especially the threats and the strategies that will be used to limit their effect on flight condom.

12.

Cheque for agreement by asking questions and encouraging the other pilot to ask questions as well.

13.

If time allows, unusual emergencies tin also be discussed using the "What would you practice if …?" format given in Chapter 2 (Information Processing). 13

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A Unifying Framework for the Development of Children's Activity Retentiveness

Hilary Horn Ratner , Mary Ann Foley , in Advances in Child Evolution and Behavior, 1994

a Activity memories are influenced by activity features

Outcome effects show that activity memories are influenced by the structure of the activity and a broader set of factors than the processes that govern retention more by and large (e.g., repetition, recency effects, filibuster, interference). Outcomes in themselves are memorable and characteristics such as outcome presence or absenteeism or quality of the perceptual data provided by the outcome increment or subtract the memorability of an unabridged activity. Findings from studies of autobiographical memory, activity memory, upshot memory, action concepts, and reality monitoring all show that outcome characteristics affect learning and memory of activity-related data.

These findings imply that careful attention should guide the ways in which outcomes are operationalized because these operational decisions may have an impact on how or how well an activity is remembered. Outcomes can be conceptualized in a number of dissimilar means and each may influence memory differently, First, outcomes can involve the creation of new products or new results, or lead to no changes at all in the materials used in an activity. Making a hat or tracing letters creates some new product, whereas walking across the room or walking through the park creates only a result, a change in location. Or a person may walk in place or jump upwards and down, causing no perceivable outcome carve up from the furnishings associated with the functioning of the deportment themselves (due east.g., physiological changes). Furthermore, independent of the presence or absence of products or results, visible consequences may as well be present or absent. For example, making play dough leaves behind flour and the colour of the play dough on the table; tracing generates the outlines of letters; and walking in sand, either in place or to a new location, produces footprints. Would all these outcomes serve as powerful cues to the deportment involved? Would some actions be cued more than finer than others? Would these effects vary for younger and older children? Nosotros exercise not know because the possible significance of these cues for activeness memory neither has been recognized nor explored, but the findings nosotros have summarized point to the possibility that any or all of these outcome characteristics may affect how well the activity or any of its features is remembered.

Second, outcomes are related to objects in different ways and whether objects are of import in remembering deportment may be related to the type of result produced. Objects must be involved in creating new products, but need not exist present for effecting new results, such as walking beyond a room or sitting on the ground. Thus, objects may be more important in supporting memory when they are required to consummate the activity, merely may be less relevant when they are present merely unessential. Indeed, we would expect instruments that are used to produce outcomes to be better memory cues than objects that played no central role in the execution of the activity. Furthermore, object roles may influence whether symbols representing them back up retentivity equally much as the objects themselves. For instance, play activities involving substitutions, such equally gestures or pantomime, may be more effective retentiveness supports when the objects they stand for are essential to the meaning of the act than when they are not. Again, considering these characteristics have not been systematically varied, we do not nevertheless know how they contribute to activity memory. However, the findings nosotros have reported suggest that some or all of these distinctions should accept an bear on on children's action retentivity.

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A Personal Memory

Mary Howes , Geoffrey O'Shea , in Human Retention, 2014

Episodic Recall Versus Word-List Remember

In the day-of-departure episode described above, the target was divers as get-go at the start of the relevant twenty-four hours. If this definition is accepted, then there were neither primacy nor recency furnishings here. Too, the same pattern (absence of primacy and recency effects) was shown beyond all 22 delayed memories that I chronicled. This finding provides a striking departure between episodic memory and word-list recall. In the latter, primacy effects are huge—basically, lynchpins—and recency effects tend to exist quite strong too.

The finding hither is not hard to explicate, withal. The events involved in getting up, having breakfast, etc. are repeated with small variations each day. Then the same "getting upwards" header must be involved across time in thousands of links to both repeated and slightly dissimilar actions, on Day ane, Day 2, Day 3,... to Day X. This is the classic pattern for producing marked similarity-based interference. Added to that negative influence, the getting-up actions are of very picayune interest. And breakfast suffers from the same difficulties.

An identical explanation can exist offered for my abysmal recollection (from the 4-twelvemonth-filibuster menstruation on) of the automobile, bus, or plane rides that began each trip. Primacy and recency effects would have been offset by high levels of, again, similarity-based interference. Here the aforementioned cue (the header) is associated with a large number of similar events, i.eastward. events that show little distinctiveness, one to the other. The organization of these memories is shown below.

Plane Trip
Trip one Trip ii Trip 3 Trip 4 Trip 5 Trip six Trip 7 Trip 8
Details Details Details Details Details Details Details Details (all similar).

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Nigh Practice

Thomas C. Toppino , Emilie Gerbier , in Psychology of Learning and Motivation, 2014

two.3.ane Recency Effects

If items in a distributed-practice experiment were assigned randomly to serial positions inside the list, items representing greater levels of spacing would tend to occur, on the average, nearer to the ends of the list than massed items. Thus, spaced items might be remembered ameliorate than massed items, not considering spacing per se produces superior memory but because spaced items benefit more massed items from primacy and recency effects.

To control serial position effects, buffer items are usually added to the beginning and terminate of a listing (e.g., Melton, 1970). Performance on these items is ordinarily non analyzed. Their purpose is to blot the primacy and recency furnishings, allowing the critical variables (due east.g., repetition and distributed practice) to exist varied in the relatively uncontaminated middle portion of the list. Unfortunately, the recency effect sometimes stretches through near of the listing (e.g., Bjork & Whitten, 1974; Glenberg, Bradley, Kraus, & Renzaglia, 1983; Glenberg et al., 1980), so that buffer items alone may be insufficient to control the event. It may be necessary to exert more stringent control, for example, by equating the items representing each distributed-practice condition with respect to the mean serial position of their last occurrences (e.g., Shaughnessy, Zimmerman, & Underwood, 1972; Underwood et al., 1976).

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Brusque-term Retentivity, Cerebral Psychology of

A.F. Healy , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

ii.2 The Free Recall Job

Another paradigm commonly used in the early investigation of short-term memory was the free recall job, in which subjects are given a relatively long list of items and then call back them in any order they cull. When the list is recalled immediately, the subjects show greater retentiveness for the virtually recent items. This 'recency effect' was attributed to the fact that the last items in the listing, but not the before ones, are still in short-term retentiveness at the termination of the list presentation. Support for this determination came from the ascertainment that if presentation of the list is followed by a distractor chore, and so there is no recency effect, although every bit in the case of immediate retrieve at that place is a 'primacy consequence,' or reward for the initial items in the listing. The explanation offered for the elimination of the recency effect with the distractor chore is that the terminal listing items are no longer in curt-term retentiveness later the distractor activity. Further support for this caption came from finding that other variables similar list length and presentation rate had differential effects on the recency and earlier sections of the serial position curve. Specifically, subjects are less likely to recall an item when it occurs in a longer list for all except the about contempo listing positions. Also, subjects are less likely to recall an detail in a list presented at a faster rate for all simply the recency function of the serial position bend.

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Working Retentiveness and Language

Bradley R. Buchsbaum , in Neurobiology of Linguistic communication, 2016

69.2 The Emergence of the Concept of Short-Term Retention

The idea of retentivity every bit consisting of two main compartments, ane for the current contents of consciousness and another for a permanent tape of experience, has gone in and out of fashion in the past century. James (2011) coined the terms "primary retentiveness" and "secondary memory" to refer to these two basic concepts, setting off a long-standing argue in the psychological sciences as to whether memory is best viewed a unitary or mechanistically divisible miracle. In the middle office of the 20th century, most theorists viewed memory equally a unitary system governed by a single ready of principles that were largely invariant over time (Melton, 1963; Underwood, 1957). Nonetheless, in the 1960s, show from cognitive psychology began to bespeak to the being of two memory systems, one for very contempo events (short-term retentiveness) and i for events that occurred in the more distant past (long-term memory).

A critical piece of show supporting the "dual-shop" view of memory came from studies of costless recall. Information technology was shown that when subjects are presented a list of words and must recall them in whatsoever gild (free recall), performance is all-time for the first few items (the primacy upshot) and for the final few items (the recency consequence). When accurateness is plotted as a function of input social club, information technology reveals a feature U-shaped (Davelaar, Goshen-Gottstein, Ashkenazi, Haarmann, & Usher, 2005; Glanzer & Cunitz, 1966; Waugh & Norman, 1965) blueprint, which is referred to as the serial position curve. Withal, if a short delay (e.yard., 10 s) is placed between stimulus presentation and recall during which subjects are required to engage in some distracting activity, the shape of the serial positive curve changed. Performance on early items (primacy) is relatively unaffected, but the recency outcome is abolished ( Glanzer & Cunitz, 1966; Postman & Phillips, 1965). Recency furnishings are attributed to the readout of the last few items in a listing from brusque-term retention (STM), and primacy effects are reflected in the long-term retention (LTM) advantage for the first few items in a list due to the greater rehearsal devoted to those items. Moreover, recall from the long-term shop requires a more effortful and slow probabilistic form of retrieval that largely depends on associative, semantic, and contextual retrieval cues than is retrieval from the brusk-term shop. It would be remiss non to mention that this interpretation of patterns of recency furnishings in firsthand and delayed remember as reflected in the operation of two stores has long been disputed and is complicated by the demonstration of recency effects that can span across minutes or even days (Bjork & Whitten, 1974; Crowder, 1982), although it has even so to exist shown that these "long-term recency effects" have the same underlying mechanism as standard recency effects.

In summary, short-term memory is essentially a limitation of the online capacity of an information processing system. Thus, brusque-term memory tin be viewed equally a cup into which sensory information flows. The capacity of the cup is stock-still and is prone to flood. The precise capacity of the cup varies across individuals (Unsworth & Engle, 2007), although every bit Miller (1956) memorably pointed out, it tends to hover effectually a "magical number" of 7 plus or minus ii (but see also Cowan, 2001). When incoming information exceeds the capacity of the cup, the spillover may nonetheless be recorded in a secondary container, that is, long-term memory.

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Professional Issues

I. Leon Smith , Sandra Greenberg , in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology, 1998

2.11.5.2.2 Knowledge statements related to cognitive-affective bases of behavior

(i)

Cognitive science (eastward.1000., sensation and perception, attending, memory, language and spatial skills, intelligence, information processing, problem-solving, strategies for organizing data).

(ii)

Theories and principles of learning (east.g., social learning, classical and operant conditioning, primacy/recency effects).

(3)

Theories of motivation (east.one thousand., need/value approaches, cognitive choice approaches, self-regulation).

(iv)

Theories of emotions.

(five)

Reciprocal interrelationships among cognitions/beliefs, behavior, affect, temperament, and mood (e.g., healthy functioning, performance feet, operation enhancement, job satisfaction, depression).

(vi)

Influence of psychosocial factors (e.g., sex differences, family styles and characteristics, academic/occupational success) on beliefs/cognitions and behaviors.

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